What is the difference between continuity and discontinuity

This is reflected through some primary classical social theories on old age such as disengagement theory e. Disengagement theory views normative aging as the desire to detach from a middle-aged lifestyle. It indicates that discontinuity is desirable in the eyes of both the older people and of society Cumming, In contrast, activity theory e.

Activity theory defines normative aging as continuing an active middle-aged lifestyle Lemon et al. Controversies about the role of continuity and discontinuity belong also to a broader debate relating to human development. Progressive hierarchical integration models emphasize continuity as indicating development, whereas progressive differentiation models view discontinuity as development Lerner, The common perception of old age is as a period of loss and deterioration P.

In contrast, empirical studies on late-life widowhood and its consequences e. Existential—phenomenology May, strengthens these notions by understanding human development through individual experiences, seeking common themes, and claiming unpredictability Starr, — It does not ignore the stages of life but explores how people react to change and how they attach meaning to their life's development, creating human development according to people's subjective and inter-subjective perceptions Starr, — Discontinuity in human development usually signifies some form of change, whereas continuity implies maintaining the status quo Lerner, Continuity and discontinuity include descriptions of and explanations for behavior, which are not necessarily undivided.

They also relate to a qualitative level referring to essence and to a quantitative level referring to more or to less Lerner, A gerontological approach relates to internal and external continuity and discontinuity in aging.

Internal refers to self and identity, whereas external refers to relationship structures and social behavior Atchley, A lifespan perspective of human development in general and of aging in particular suggests a meta-model SOC. It suggests that people select goals and activities that allow them to function in an optimal way and to compensate for losses along the life span using strengths that remain P.

As such, SOC views change as adaptation rather than growth. A more recent approach is an innovation theory of successful aging.

Such an approach leaves room for continuity and adaptation as well as for growth. These definitions and approaches are used when discussing the findings. This article addresses the following: 1 How continuity and discontinuity are experienced individually and dyadically by older people living in second couplehood in old age; 2 how continuity and discontinuity fit in with normative ways of living in old age; and 3 how perceptions of continuity and discontinuity among older persons living in second couplehood could contribute to altering society's outlook on old age.

This article is based on a larger qualitative study addressing the meaning of second couplehood in old age from a dyadic perspective Koren, Previous studies on second couplehood in old age focused on men's and women's individual perspectives of the phenomenon but interviewed only one member of each couple e.

This article relates to the dyad as the unit of study. Participants were 20 couples chosen according to the following criteria: Older people who created second couplehood at the age of 65 years and older for men and 60 years and older for women; were previously in a life-long marriage, having raised a family including grownup children who had left home and grandchildren; and the relationship had ended due to widowhood or divorce.

Couples were either remarried, cohabiting, or LAT. All participants were independent adults who could consent to participate in the study. They were sufficiently fluent in Hebrew to provide in-depth descriptions.

Due to the study's dyadic nature, both members of the couple had to agree to participate. Participants were identified through neighborhood clubs for older persons, various informal networks and with the assistance of professionals working with older persons who could access the relevant population in communities throughout the country. All participants signed a letter of consent that included assurance of confidentiality.

The actual sample included men aged 70—92 years and women aged 66—88 years. Prior to entering second couplehood, 34 participants were widowed and 6 were divorced. Duration of long-term marriage was 27—65 years for the widowed and 20—31 years for the divorced. Seven couples were LAT, 10 were cohabiting, and 3 were remarried It is not known how this reflects the actual distribution of the phenomenon because no official information is available about the percentage of second couplehood in old age or the distribution of its various forms within the older population.

It may be that the lack of official information supports these findings. Participants perceived themselves to be in good to very good health and reported their socioeconomic status as middle to upper-middle class. All were Jewish; most declared themselves as secular, about a quarter traditional and the rest religious.

Previous data analysis revealed that 8 participants perceived their long-term marriage as better than their second couplehood, 12 participants perceived their second couplehood as better than their first, and 20 stated that the two relationships were different and could not be compared.

Qualitative data were collected using semi-structured interviews based on an interview guide developed by the researcher, drawing on key issues relating to second couplehood in old age identified in the literature. How do significant others accept your relationship, if at all? Forty individual interviews lasting 1. This enabled each spouse to raise material that might not have emerged in joint interviews, especially when discussing sensitive topics or criticizing the spouse Morris, The existential—phenomenological perspective enabled understanding the essence of the phenomenon and identification of multiple meanings ascribed by participants Mustakas, First, horizontalization using open coding by individual cases was performed.

This enabled the development of content categories for each interview. Subsequently, cross-case analysis was performed by identifying themes that cut across interviews.

Units of meaning were identified and grouped into four major themes and subthemes within each, assisting transfer of unit of analysis from the individual to the couple level. This was achieved by examining how each theme and subtheme that emerged from cross-case analysis on the individual level was addressed by both members of a dyad.

Interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached Padgett, Second, the researchers of the larger study simultaneously performed separate analyses. The identified themes were compared and negotiated until agreement was achieved, on which variations were found. Fourth, negative case analysis was performed, resulting in the finding of continuity as the exception.

In addition to the researcher's interpretation of each individual partner's quotes, a third interpretation was derived by combining the two individual perspectives. Data are presented in the form of quotes from both partners for each theme addressed because the couple was the unit of analysis. This is necessary to present the experience from a dyadic perspective. All quotes were translated from Hebrew.

Identifying details have been altered to maintain confidentiality. The majority of participants perceived second couplehood in old age as discontinuous to their life-long marriage. Those who perceived it as continuous were the exception. Discontinuity lies within continuity and vice versa. However, for each individual participant, either one or the other was more significant, which assisted in identifying whether continuity or discontinuity was dominant in each second couplehood relationship The theme of continuity and discontinuity was inductively derived through data analysis of the larger study.

Therefore, identification of couplehood relationships in terms of continuity and discontinuity was not achieved by direct questioning but rather by data interpretation, as illustrated through the quotes presented. Situations in which both members of the couple perceived second couplehood as continuous was found to be the exception.

Man, aged 77, widowed, long-term marriage, 44 years, cohabitation, 6 years in 2nd couplehood. Nachman begins by stating that his present couplehood is identical to his life-long first marriage by describing how his family willingly accepts his spouse and his relationship with her. The continuity of his present couplehood when compared with his life-long marriage is manifest in gender roles and serves as justification for living in second couplehood in old age, along with his family's acceptance of the relationship and his happiness.

Woman, aged 66, widowed, long-term marriage, 39 years, cohabitation, 6 years in 2nd couplehood. Similar to Nachman, Malka finds it necessary to emphasize how her second couplehood in old age is continuous with her life-long marriage in her spouse's treatment of her. Second couplehood for both spouses is a certain duplication of their life-long first marriages. Living in cohabitation is socially discontinuous in status.

However, the continuous aspect of the relationship dynamics seems to be dominant in comparison to their life-long marriages. They both emphasize the continuity by relating to similar parameters of couplehood, which they find necessary to justify their present situation.

I love her, I respect her, I do not underestimate her … Man, aged 80, widowed, long-term marriage, 36 years, cohabitation, 10 years in 2nd couplehood. Barak's first priority was to experience second couplehood in old age as similar to his life-long marriage.

However, once he realized the impossibility of this, he changed his outlook. His partner could then view him differently, enabling the creation of a relationship that was discontinuous with his previous life-long marriage.

He does not disclose what makes his current relationship discontinuous, but we understand that he does not attach value to discontinuity. Examples of absolute universals are the following: a All languages have consonants and vowels.

Yes indeed there are languages without adjectives. I know the following three Austronesian languages to have stative verbs instead of Adjectives: Muna spoken in Sulawesi , Acehnese Sumatra and Kambera Sumba.

These figures do not include entries with senses for different word classes such as noun and adjective and homographs…. Counting the Words in the Dictionary. All languages have verbs and nouns, which are basic and universal — and probably all have adjectives, too. Adjectives feature as a part of speech word class in most languages. In some languages, the words that serve the semantic function of adjectives are categorized together with some other class, such as nouns or verbs.

Different languages do not use adjectives in exactly the same situations. Skip to content Sentence and word structure. Which is better continuity or discontinuity? These are called developmental stages-periods of life initiated by distinct transitions in physical or psychological functioning.

Psychologists of the discontinuity view believe that people go through the same stages, in the same order, but not necessarily at the same rate. When trying to explain development, it is important to consider the relative contribution of both nature and nurture. Developmental psychology seeks to answer two big questions about heredity and environment:. Nature refers to the process of biological maturation inheritance and maturation. One of the reasons why the development of human beings is so similar is because our common specifies heredity DNA guides all of us through many of the same developmental changes at about the same points in our lives.

Nurture refers to the impact of the environment, which involves the process of learning through experiences. Stability implies personality traits present during infancy endure throughout the lifespan. In contrast, change theorists argue that personalities are modified by interactions with family, experiences at school, and acculturation. This capacity for change is called plasticity. For example, Rutter discovered than somber babies living in understaffed orphanages often become cheerful and affectionate when placed in socially stimulating adoptive homes.

Developmental psychology as a discipline did not exist until after the industrial revolution when the need for an educated workforce led to the social construction of childhood as a distinct stage in a person's life. The notion of childhood originates in the Western world and this is why the early research derives from this location. Initially, developmental psychologists were interested in studying the mind of the child so that education and learning could be more effective.

Developmental changes during adulthood is an even more recent area of study. Such role-playing helps them to improve their ability to do this in real life. They learn important social skills, such as empathy.

Language development. It provides an opportunity for kids to practice and develop their language and social skills by merely being with and talking to other children. It boosts the development of problem-solving and self-regulation skills. Imaginative play with peers can create situations in which not everyone gets what they want. Begin typing your search term above and press enter to search. Press ESC to cancel. Skip to content Home Social studies What is the difference between continuity and discontinuity?

Social studies. Ben Davis September 8, What is the difference between continuity and discontinuity?